- rksi.org

Report
中国城市集中贫民区域
的形成与政策抉择
Urban Poverty-Concentrated Area In
China : Formation and Policy Choices
刘守英(Liu, Shouying)
国务院发展研究中心农村部副部长、研究员
(Deputy Director and Senior Research Fellow of
DRC)
一、问题的提出
I. What’s the Issue?
观点1:中国的农村贫困问题尽管依然很
严重,但是,随着中国进入城市化社
会,贫困问题正在转向“城市贫困”。
View 1: Along with its urbanization, part of
China’s poverty problem has moved from
rural areas to urban areas.
• 观点2:中国的城市化进程是幸运的,没有
出现许多国家、尤其是发展中国家普遍面
临的“贫民窟”问题。
• View 2: Not like other developing countries,
“Slum” has never become a problem for China
during its process of urbanization.
• 在我们看来,由于城乡二元体制性障碍,中国的农村人口向城市转移
的同时,农村贫困正在“平移”到城市区域,正在酿成一批既不被农
村关注、也不被城市接纳的特殊贫困群体。由于中国独特的城市化模
式,政府主导的城市化“要地不要人”,城市区域的原住农民土地被
征收的同时,并未成为城市市民,靠剩余土地出租为生;大量非本地
人口涌入后又无法融入城市,在城市化进程中形成“城乡结合部”,
原住农民和外来农民工在此区域交汇,形成城乡结合部的贫困人口集
中区域。
• Our View: Due to the institutional barrier caused by the dual system,
along with the population migration from rural to urban area, poverty has
moved to urban China as well. China now is facing a special group of poor
people, who are being neglected by both rural and urban areas. After land
acquisitions, millions of dispossessed farmers haven’t been integrated as
urban citizens, and have to live on the rents from their remaining lands.
On the other side, hundreds of millions of rural migrants come to the city
while cannot afford the high rent, and have to live in the “urban villages”
with poor planning and infrastructure. Combining these two aspects,
many urban poverty-concentrated areas were formed.
• 二、“双轨并行的城市化与城
市集中贫困区域的形成
• II. “Dual-track” Urbanization
and formation of urban povertyconcentrated areas
• (一)政府主导的城市化:要地不要人
• 中国的城市化,主要由政府主导推进。一
方面,各级城市政府通过规划调整(城市
总体规划修编)、行政管理体制调整(市
改区、县改市、村改居)将城市圈不断外
移,将农村区域纳入城市版图。另一方面,
在“城市土地国有、农村土地集体所有”
制度架构下,城市政府通过土地征收制度,
将农村集体所有土地转性为城市国有,获
得城市发展空间和资源,城市化造成农民
失去土地和被排斥在城市发展之外的结果。
• 2.1. Government-led Urbanization
• To facilitate urbanization, local governments at
different levels all work hard to revise the
overall urban master plan and to convert
counties to city districts, and to convert villages
to urban residential communities so as to make
it easier to use agricultural land for nonagricultural purposes. With state owned urban
land and rural collective owned rural land, local
governments converted a lot of land from rural
to urban so as to expand government control of
urbanization.
第一、城市外延扩张。建成区面积从2000
年的2.2万平方公里增加到2011年的 4万平
方公里,年均增长率为6.225% 。四直辖市
城市建成区面积从1737平方公里增加到
3976平方公里,年均增长率为7.816%。省
会城市建成区面积从3833平方公里增加到
8704平方公里,年均增长率为7.739%。地
级市建成区面积从10777平方公里增加到
21894平方公里,年均增长率为6.655%。
Firstly, local governments expand urban domains by
frequently adjusting urban administrative jurisdictions and by
revising Urban Master Plan. This is a type of urbanization by
extensive margin to expand urban space fast. From 1995 to
2010, the area of urban built-up area increases by 20793.8
km2 overall or 1386.3 km2 per year. In the last decade, the
area of cities increased very fast as shown in Table 1. From
1999 to 2008, the top 10 cities in China promote their built-up
areas from 2629 km2 to 7727 km2(Figure 2).
年份
城区面积
城市建成区面积
年份
城区面积
城市建成区面积
1995
1171698
19264.2
2003
399173.2
28308
1996
987077.9
20214.2
2004
394672.5
30406.2
1997
835771.8
20791.3
2005
412819.1
32520.7
1998
813585.7
21379.6
2006
166533.5
33659.8
1999
812817.6
21524.5
2007
176065.5
35469.7
2000
878015
22439.3
2008
178110.3
36295.3
2001
607644.3
24026.6
2009
175463.61
38107.3
2002
467369.3
25972.6
2010
178691.7
40058.0
• 第二,城市用地主要靠征地获得。2005-2010年,
中国新增居民点工矿建设用地共21,627平方公里,
同期因为居民点工矿建设征地14551平方公里,征
地占居民工矿用地面积的比重为67.3%。
•
表2 全国新增居民点工矿建设用地面积来自征地的比重:2005-2010 (万亩,%)
年份
用于居民点工矿建设的征地面积
征地面积占新增居民点工矿用地面积比重(%)
2005
283.4
486
58.31
2006
329.5
588
56.04
2007
373.4
475
78.61
2008
266
445
59.78
2009
499.5
440
113.52
2010
430.9
810
53.20
总计
2182.7
3244
67.28
• Secondly, new urban space is mainly acquired
through land acquisition. Urban domains
expand to rural areas along with the
urbanization process. Collective land of
farmers is expropriated by governments. From
2005 to 2010, newly increased residential
land, industrial land and mining land of China
amount to 21,627 km2. During the same
period, the total area of land acquisition is
14551 km2 and the proportion of land
expropriated in newly increased urban land
reaches 67.3%.
•
• 征地城市化的后果:
• 第一、造成大批失地原住农民群体。以城
市扩增2万平公里,按我国人均耕地1.35亩
算,由此至少导致 万人口失去土地。由
于大多数被征地农民保留农民身份,他们
成为被城市排斥的“无地、无保障、自谋
职业”农民。
• Under the current land requisition system, fast
urbanization has led to tens of millions of
landless farmers left undercompensated.
• 第二、土地城市化快于人口城市化。世界银行的
统计数据显示,中国过去一段时期内城市面积扩
张的速度达到年均7%,而城市人口的年均增长率
略高于3%。在中国十大城市中,除汕头以外的其
它城市的建成区面积的扩展都快于城市人口的增
长。
• Secomdly,ly, the speed of urban spatial
expansion is much higher than that of
population urbanization. The statistics of The
World Bank reveals that the average annual
growth of urban areas reached 7% between
1995 and 2008 while the urban population
growth was about 3% per year at the same
time. This phenomenon exists in all top ten
cities of China except Shantou.
• 一旦将中国常驻人口与户籍人口的统计差
异考虑进去,中国土地城市化快于人口城
市化的特征就更加显著。2010年,中国以
常住人口统计的城市化率达到49.95%,但
是,按户籍统计的城市化率仅33.77%,二
者相差16个百分点。城市的发展吸引了大
量外来人口(主要是农民工)到城市就业
和生活,但是他们无法在社会保障、就业、
医疗和教育等领域与具有城市户籍的享有
同等的权利。
• This feature becomes more significant when we
consider the statistical discrepancy of urban
population statistics and the urban population
statistics with permanent household registration
status. In 2010, the urbanization rate reached
49.95% while the urban population statistics with
permanent household registration status is 33.77%
of total population, for a 16% difference. The
expansion of urban areas attracted numerous rural
residents to work and live in urban areas even
though they cannot share the same rights with urban
households with permanent residence cares.
• 2.2.农民自发的城市化:法外空间的蔓延
• 随着2.5亿农民工涌入城市,在 “城乡结合
部”或“城中村”区域自动自发的城市化
在如火如荼地展开。一方面,外地人口为
了谋求非农就业和更高的收入机会,流向
城市。面对流动人口涌入带来的居住需求
上升,划入城市圈的城乡结合部原住农民
以剩余土地(包括宅基地、原集体经营性
用地和公益性用地)“种房”出租,分享
城市化带来的级差收益。
• 2.2. Spontaneous urbanization initiated by
local farmers
• The urbanization along this track usually
exists in city fringe where migrant populations
find shelter in their move to cities for higher
income and better non-agricultural jobs. This
leads to a booming rental house market in
these places. As a result, local peasants could
build house for rental purpose and share
benefits of land value appreciation in
urbanization
主要城市城中村基本情况
城市
城中村个数
城中村面积(单位:平
方公里)
城中村内原住民人口(单位:
万人)
全市流动人口数(单位:
万人)
北京
346
190
704
广州
138
266.48
500多
深圳
320
390
595
1200
天津
66
8
21
380
武汉
162
213.82
35.66
142
昆明
382
40
60多
198
• 第一,大多数土地被征收后的原住农民,
利用 “剩余土地”——集体经营性用地、
公益性用地和农民宅基地,盖房出租或将
土地非法转让或转租给外地人或企业使用,
形成独立于政府土地和住房市场之外的法
外集体土地和房屋租赁“灰市场”。北京
市的城乡结合部地区涉及77个街道乡镇、
1673个村(社区),保留的农民集体自用
土地有300多万亩。
• Firstly, local farmers who own land including
collective construction land, residential land,
can lease the land to outsiders or companies
illegally. This lead to a “gray rental market”
outside the state-led formal market. The gray
market is so huge that governments cannot
neglect it. In Beijing, for example it consist of
77 towns and 1673 villages and also they
occupy a land area of more than 200 square
kilometers
一道绿
二道绿
边缘集
城乡结合部地区自然村落分布示意图
• 深圳市现有建设用地面积917.77平方公里,
原农村集体经济组织共占用约390平方公里,
其中仅有95平方公里为合法用地(参见图
7)。广州市 “旧城镇、旧村庄、旧厂房”
用地494.1平方公里,其中356.7平方公里属
于集体建设用地,占“三旧用地”总量的
72.2%。
• The total area of construction land in
Shenzhen is 917.77 Square kilometers. The
land used by the rural collective organizations
take up about 390 Square kilometers, of which
only 95 Square kilometers are legally
developed (See Figure 9). The area of land
taken up by old towns, old villages and old
factories is 494.1 square kilometers, of which
356.7 square kilometers are labeled as
collective construction land, accounting for
72.2% of the total.
•
• 第二,城乡结合部区域是流动人口城市化
的主要区域。由于这些区域房屋租金低廉,
成为外来人口主要聚集区。北京市直到20
世纪80年代,外来流动人口规模仅20万左
右,到2007年末,居住半年以上的外来人
口达420万,比30年前净增400万,占人口
增量的52%。目前北京市流动人口超过700
万,且以每年约40万人的速度在增长,城
乡结合部地区栖居的流动人口占全市流动
人口总量的52.63%。
• Secondly, urban fringe is the main locations
where migrants live. These regions become
ghetto of migrant population who seek cheap
housing. The total migrant population who
stayed in Beijing for more than six months was
about 200,000 by 1980s. By the end of 2007, it
has reached 4,200,000, which accounts for 52%
of newly increased population and it means a net
increase of 4 million since 1977. At present, the
floating population in Beijing is over 7 million
with an increase of 400,000 every year. The
residents living in fringe takes up 52.63% of total
floating population in Beijing.
• 第三,城乡结合部区域的基础设施和公共
服务由村集体组织自我提供。与政府主导
的城市化不同,城乡结合部的基础设施由
于没有纳入城市市政设施体系,只能由农
民集体组织自行提供;此外,这些城中村
的人口、环境治理和治安维护等公共服务
也没有纳入城市公共服务体系,只能由村
集体组织自行提供。因此,大多数城中村
为了提供这些公共服务,处于超负荷运转。
• Thirdly, infrastructure construction and public
service of fringe areas are provided mainly by
village collective organizations. Different from
the government-led urbanization, these
infrastructures are not up to the municipal
standards. Moreover, the public service such
as population and environment management
and public security are also provided by the
village collective organizations. As a result,
most of urban villages are overloaded.
• 城乡结合部的存在,为本地农民增加收入、
以房租分享城市化带来的级差收益提供了
机会,为外地人口以低房租成本和生活成
本在城市谋生提供了方便,也解决了城市
对不同层次产业工人、服务业者的需要。
但是,城乡结合部的自我无序蔓延,也带
来大量社会问题,滋生越来越严重的“城
市病”。
• The existence of city fringe areas has
improved the income of local farmers. At the
same time, it makes life easier for migrants by
reducing rents and living costs. Migrant
worker also provide cheap labors and
contribute to urban development. However,
the social disorder which spreads in fringe
areas also brings numerous problems and
especially the so-called “urban disease”.
• 一是人口资源环境矛盾加剧。北京城乡结
合部的大多数村庄都存在严重的人口倒挂,
本地人口与外地人口之比为1:1.2。流动人
口万人以上的街道乡镇共有70个,流动人
口数量超过户籍人口的社区(村)有667个。
人口聚集过度,资源和环境的承载过量,
矛盾极为突出。
• Firstly, environment pressure is intensified .The
migrant population in most urban villages is
very high. The ratio of local residents to
migrant population is 1:1.2 in Beijing. The
number of townships with floating population
over 10,000 is 70 and the number of
communities in which migrant population is
larger than local population is 667. That
definitely means a heavy environment
pressure
• 二是违法违规建设严重,城市化成本上升。农
民为获得更多补偿,一般采取多增加地上附着
物的办法,导致征地拆迁前的乱搭乱建、抢栽
枪种现象非常严重。海南省陵水县黎安镇1993
年征地时曾出现一晚上死一千人、多出一千个
坟墓的离奇事件,仅此一项就多出拆迁成本
400万元。三亚月川居委会在短短几年内抢建
的违章建筑达到355栋、15万平方米。按当前
当地平均2200元/平方米的拆迁成本估算,该
村因违章建筑增加的拆迁成本不下于3亿元,
单宗房屋总面积超过1000平米的有19宗;6层
及以上的有18宗,最高的楼房建有8层。拥有
两宗以上的有8户。
• Secondly, illegal construction increases the total cost
of urbanization. To get more compensation for land
requisition, local farmers usually build cheap and low
quality housing. The phenomena of illegal
constructions and planting become very frequent. It
is not surprising that 1,000 tombs appeared
overnight during land requisition in Li’an Town of
Hainan Province in 1993, which led to a
compensation cost of 4 million. In construction of
Haitang Bay in Sanya, local government even checked
up the illegal phenomena by founding a special team
but it still did not work. In some localities,
compensations for attached buildings is even 10
times higher than the compensation for land.
表5
月川社区集体土地违章建房统计表
单位:宗、平方米、层
建房
时间
宗数
平均占地
面积
平均房屋
面积
平均
层数
建房
时间
宗数
平均占地面
积
平均房屋面
积
平均
层数
1983
1
170
36.04
1
1999
5
232.6
370.57
2
1986
1
255
321.16
2
2000
10
162.8
261.98
2
1988
1
504
464.07
2
2001
7
197.14
254.87
2
1989
3
240
351.71
2.33
2002
8
208.75
376.41
2.69
1990
3
210
286.27
1.67
2003
49
195.88
409.28
2.77
1991
8
105.63
183.95
2
2004
49
159.18
350.29
2.57
1992
3
185
175.07
1.67
2005
83
182.37
531.14
3.27
1993
8
121.88
133.57
1.38
2006
53
177.11
494.91
3
1994
7
206.71
169.99
1.57
2007
17
137.18
461.95
3.38
1995
12
209.17
277.41
1.92
2008
9
169.44
515.40
3
1996
6
202.17
252.82
1.92
2009
2
271
1514
6
1997
1
150
130.20
2.50
平均
179.22
411.52
2.72
1998
9
165.22
200
1.67
总计
63623.5
146089.8
355
• 三是社会问题凸显并呈加剧态势。由于基
础设施建设落后,环境承载力超负荷,城乡结
合部地区环境卫生状况差,垃圾遍地、污水
横流现象随处可见,用水不足和上厕所难
问题突出。交通秩序差,部分区域黑车运
营情况突出,交通拥堵严重,交通安全隐
患较大。教育、医疗等基础设施也严重不
足。尤其是治安隐患严重,这些区域刑事、
治安案件多发,人员构成复杂及更迭频繁,
有些地区还形成一定的区域势力,引发群
体性事件。北京市70%的治安、刑事案件发
生在城乡结合部地区。
• Thirdly, social problems are intensifying. Because of
the insufficient infrastructure development, the
overload of environment and the poor living
conditions, there is insufficient water as well as
toilets. Poor traffic order brings serious congestion as
well as serious traffic safety. Illegal taxies exist in
many urban villages. Education, health care and
other basic facilities are inadequate. Crime occurs
frequently. The structure of residents could also
easily lead to mass incidents. According to related
statistics, 70 percent of crime incidents in Beijing
occur in urban fringe areas.
• 三、政策建议
• III. Policy Recommendations
• (一)将城乡结合部区域纳入城市发展合
法空间。一是将城乡结合部区域纳入城市
规划。二是承认城乡结合部地区原住农民
对剩余集体土地的开发权。
• Firstly, the local governments must integrate
fringe areas into their development zones
through urban planning and land institution
innovation (to acknowledge the local farmers’
developing rights on their remaining land).
• (二)将城乡结合部原住农民彻底变为城
市市民。地方城市政府统一将被征地原住
农民纳入与城市市民同等的社保、养老、
医疗体系,成为真正的城市市民。
• Secondly, convert local farmers to urban
citizens. Local governments should provide
the same social security, pension, and medical
services to indigenous farmers of fringe areas
as their urban counterparts.
• (三)改变征地城市化模式。允许城乡结
合部农民利用剩余土地盖廉租房,解决外
地人口进入城市后的居住问题。
• Thirdly, change the current urbanization
patterns, which mainly rely on land
acquisitions. Government should allow local
farmers and communities to build low-rent
apartments for migrants.
• (四)建立全国统一的基础社会保障包,
促进人口流动。由中央政府建立基础社会
保障包,保障外地人口得到基本的公共服
务和社会保障,逐步解决外地人口的城市
融入问题。
• Fourthly, the central government must set up
a national network of mobile social security to
accelerate the population migration. The
national network can help the rural migrants
to have access to the basic public service and
social security in urban areas, and thus
promote the urbanization of the population.

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