und die weltweite Protestbewegung - Eine

Empört Euch! und die weltweite Protestbewegung - Eine soziologische Annäherung –
VI - Die Rolle der Frauen und die Frage des Feminismus
„Das popkulturelle Format einer Wrestlingshow wird
genützt und dekonstruiert, um darin andere Inhalte zur
Darstellung zu bringen. Themen sind Gegenwart und
Nostalgie, Virulenz und Redundanz feministischer
Positionen. Wesentliche Elemente des Wrestlingshowzirkus
(wie ausführliche Historien der einzelnen Protagonistinnen,
Kampfansagen, Videobotschaften, Posterkampagnen,
Sammelbilder) werden fröhlich annektiert und mit Theorie
– Monströsitäten der letzten Jahrzehnte kurz
geschlossen.Im Format eines Showkampfes können soziale
Kämpfe künstlerisch in Form lustvoller Antagonismen
kultiviert und inszeniert werden. Ähnlich dem
selbstreflexiven Theater operiert das Wrestling-Format
immer schon mit dem Bewusstsein aller Beteiligten über
die Inszeniertheit der Show; daraus soll künstlerischer
Mehrwert gezogen werden, um die erstarrten Fronten von
Feminismus, Alltagskultur und Unterhaltung neu zu
mischen. Keine Theorie ohne Praxis.“
Univ.-Doz. Dr. Jérôme Segal, Institut für Soziologie, http://jerome-segal.de
I – Geschichtlich gesehen…
II – Die Genderfrage in den Protestbewegungen
III – „Bodies in Alliance and the Politics of the
Street” (Judith Butler)
IV – Sind Provokationen in der „Gesellschaft
des Spektakels“ nötig?
I – Geschichtlich gesehen…
Präkarisierung (Teilzeit)
Machismus (DSK)
II – Die Genderfrage in den Protestbewegungen
Schon existierende Organisationen
Beispiel Women in Black (seit 1988)
Women in Black… is a world-wide network of women committed to peace
with justice and actively opposed to injustice, war, militarism and other
forms of violence. As women experiencing these things in different ways in
different regions of the world, we support each other’s movements. An
important focus is challenging the militarist policies of our own
governments. We are not an organisation, but a means of communicating
and a formula for action.
“Warning for Women of the
Arab Spring “(March 14, 2012,
The Wall Street Journal)
I hope that in the countries
where people have risen
against dictatorships, they will
reflect on and learn from what
happened to us in Iran.
Ms. Ebadi, one of Iran's leading
lawyers and human rights
activists, won the 2003 Nobel
Peace Prize.
I do not agree with the phrase "Arab Spring." The overthrow of dictatorships is not sufficient in
itself. Only when repressive governments are replaced by democracies can we consider the
popular uprisings in the Middle East to be a meaningful "spring."
Since women make up half of the region's population, any democratic developments must
improve the social and legal status of women in the Arab world. It appears the Tunisian
society has strong civil institutions, and there is much hope that democracy can take hold
there. But in Egypt, many political actors are talking about returning to Islamic law, which
could result in a regression of rights for women and girls similar to what we experienced in
Iran in 1979.
In the "green movement" protests after June 2009's disputed presidential elections, the
world witnessed how many Iranian women were on the streets, and how strong our feminist
movement is. More than 65% of university students are women, many university professors
are women, and women are present in all important and sensitive social positions.
My recommendation to Arab women is to focus on strengthening civil-society institutions
and to familiarize themselves with religious discourse, so they can demonstrate that leaders
who rely on religious dogma that sets women's rights back are doing so to consolidate
III – „Bodies in Alliance and the Politics of the
Street” (Judith Butler)
Siehe Artikel online.
what it means to move through public space in a way that contests the
distinction between public and private
those struggles to make the street safe for women, gender and sexual minorities,
including trans people, whose public appearance is too often punishable by legal and
illegal violence.
There are two aspects of the revolutionary demonstrations in Tahrir square that I
would like to underscore. The first has to do with the way a certain sociability was
established within the square, a division of labor that broke down gender difference,
that involved rotating who would speak and who would clean the areas where people
slept and ate, developing a work schedule for everyone to maintain the environment
and to clean the toilets. (…) equal division of labour between the sexes, became part
of the very resistance to Mubarek’s regime
These actions were all political in the simple sense that they were breaking down a
conventional distinction between public and private in order to establish relations of
equality; in this sense, they were incorporating into the very social form of resistance the
principles for which they were struggling on the street.
what is astonishing about the alliances there is that several feminist organizations have
worked with queer, gay/lesbian and transgendered people against police violence, but
also against militarism, against nationalism, and against the forms of masculinism by
which they are supported.
And yet, if the streets are open to transgendered people, they are not open to those
who wear signs of their religious belonging openly. Hence, we are left to fathom the
many universalist French feminists who call upon the police to arrest, detain, fine, and
sometimes deport women wearing the Niqab or the Burka in the public sphere in
France. Why would the same universalists (Elisabeth Badinter) openly affirm the rights
of transgendered people to freely appear in public while restricting that very right to
women who happen to wear religious clothing that offends the sensibilities of die-hard
secularists? If the right to appear is to be honored “universally” it would not be able to
survive such an obvious and insupportable contradiction.
Can we distinguish those vocalizations from the body from those other expressions of
material need and urgency? They were, after all, sleeping and eating in the public square,
constructing toilets and various systems for sharing the space, and so not only refusing to
be privatized – refusing to go or stay home – and not only claiming the public domain for
themselves – acting in concert on conditions of equality – but also maintaining
themselves as persisting bodies with needs, desires, and requirements.
IV – Sind Provokationen in der „Gesellschaft
des Spektakels“ nötig?
Femen, seit 2008 (in der Ukraine)
Davos, Januar 2012 (hier)
„Sascha, Inna und Oksana nennen sich topless
activists. Das ist ihre Hauptbeschäftigung. Sascha
und Inna haben studiert, Finanzwesen die eine,
Journalismus die andere. Oksana ist Künstlerin.
Sascha hat ihren Job aufgegeben, Inna hat ihn
verloren wegen dem, was sie etwa einmal pro
Woche tun: sich einen Blumenkranz ins Haar
stecken und ihr Oberteil ausziehen. Wie Jessica aus
Berlin bekommen sie dafür nichts – außer große
Mengen der internationalen Währung
Aufmerksamkeit.“ (Quelle: Die Zeit)
Ouganda , Mai 2012 (awful report / better report)
2011 (die Erste in Toronto
gegen “women should avoid dressing like sluts”)
unibrennt: Männer rauchen un trinken im Audimax während Frauen
in der AG-Sauberkeit tätig sind?
Beispiel VoKü AG…

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