ENG 528: Language Change Research Seminar Sociophonetics: An Introduction Chapter 5: Vowels (Continued) Lindblom (1963), Undershoot Third Laboratory Assignment • From any interview consisting at least partly of conversation, choose a diphthong and measure at least 25 tokens of it. (You’ll need a diphthong with plenty of tokens, so don’t pick /oi/.) • Measure the duration of the entire diphthong and formant values for the nucleus and/or glide. • Using Origin, plot the duration of the whole diphthong on the xaxis and F1, F2, and, if you like, F3 of either the nucleus or the glide on the y-axis. Include regression lines. You may make different plots or one plot showing all the formants (you may need a logarithmic scale for that). This has to be in Origin because I want everybody to learn how to use it. • Print out the plot(s) and turn them in on October 24. Undershoot: Definitions • Target: the point that the speaker “intends” to reach (controversy: is it an articulatory or acoustic target?) • Undershoot: failure to reach the target Because of short duration Because of weak stress Other reasons? (I.e., can some sounds be specified as being given less effort to reach their targets? Do some languages or dialects show more undershoot than others?) More Definitions • Coarticulation: overlap of segments • Assimilation: a segment becomes more like a neighboring segment • Truncation: part of a segment, such as a steady state or a glide, is lopped off when the duration is shorter • Compression: no lopping off, but all the components are squeezed into a shorter time frame • Reduction: weaker articulation; for vowels, it means becoming more schwa-like. Two senses: Phonological: predictable alternation between a full vowel and schwa; no intermediate realizations Phonetic: vowel is on a gradient between full realization and schwa, with any intermediate realization possible Plotting Undershoot • Generally, you plot the duration of something (generally the whole vowel) against a formant measurement • Example for /a/ in K’iche’: 800 .5 2 42 x+ 2 .26 F1 of vowel in Hz 700 1 y= 600 500 400 0 50 100 150 200 duration of vowel in ms 250 300 Undershoot plots to tease out phonological distinctions • Here’s what figure 5.28 is supposed to look like: formant value of glide in Hz 2000 F1 before voiced obstruent F2 before voiced obstruent F1 before voiceless obstruent F2 before voiceless obstruent 1000 900 800 700 600 500 400 300 100 150 200 250 duration of entire diphthong in ms 300 Degree of Undershoot can Differ: /a/ vowels in three languages 900 900 F1 of vowel in Hz 8. 9 46 x+ 700 5 .65 1 y= 600 Am. English Slope=-0.04101 500 400 0 50 100 150 200 250 800 F1 of vowel in Hz Turkish Slope=1.655 800 700 y=-0.04101x+719.0 600 500 400 300 0 50 100 duration of vowel in ms K’iche’ Slope=1.262 .5 422 + x 2 .26 y=1 600 500 400 50 100 150 200 duration of vowel in ms 250 300 350 400 450 250 300 Am. English, long outliers removed Slope =0.08185 900 800 F1 of vowel in Hz F1 of vowel in Hz 800 0 200 duration of vowel in ms 900 700 150 y=0.08185x+702.2 700 600 500 400 0 50 100 150 200 duration of vowel in ms 250 300 Factoring Out Coarticulation • Measure formants at vowel onset or offset • Measure formants at some point within the vowel • Subtract within-vowel formant measurement from onset~offset formant measurement • Use that difference to normalize for coarticulation Lindblom (1963) “Spectrographic Study of Vowel Reduction” • this is the paper that launched experimental phonetics as a science—it provided a testable hypothesis • looked at the effects of duration on Swedish short vowels • had subjects say vowels in b_b, d_d, and g_g contexts in the carrier phrases så är det ___ and __ är det så • subjects had metronome played into their ears so that they said the words at different speeds Lindblom (1963) “Spectrographic Study of Vowel Reduction” • duration did have an effect—vowels became closer to their offset values at short durations • the results suggested that each vowel phoneme has a target that doesn’t vary— the consonantal context doesn’t affect the target • p. 1780: He says that the undershoot pattern isn’t corrected by speakers and “it presupposes that the listener is able to correct for coarticulation effects” Lindblom (1963) “Spectrographic Study of Vowel Reduction” b_b d_d g_g Reactions to Lindblom (1963) • In subsequent years, several other researchers found that a number of other factors besides simple duration influenced the degree of undershoot: Stress (possibly a stronger effect than duration—see Harris 1978, Language and Speech 21:354-61) Speaking style—research opportunities for sociolinguists? The particular vowel phoneme The particular language (presumably, that could mean dialects vary, too—opportunities for sociolinguists) The particular speaker (more opportunities for sociolinguists) • In response, Lindblom (1990) developed his “H&H” theory, which says that speakers vary their clarity of speech in response to the needs of their addressees Perception and Undershoot • • • • Lindblom & Studdert-Kennedy (1967) found that listeners’ perception compensated for coarticulation Perceptual boundaries between / / and / / shifted depending on the context, in a compensatory pattern This is the same process that Ohala (1989, 1993) later called “corrective rules” They also noted that diphthongal glides don’t have to reach their targets because listeners expect to hear them undershot (i.e., truncated) Conditioned Vowel Shifts • Occur as a result of coarticulation that, at some point, isn’t corrected for perceptually and thus is reanalyzed by language learners • In American English, conditioned vowel shifts are most common before /r/, /l/, nasals, and palatals (from anticipatory coarticulation) • Perseveratory shifts are less common, though note what happened to short /æ/ after /w/ in Early Modern English • What coarticulatory effects on vowel formants would you expect from each of those kinds of consonants? 400 i K r i T u 500 N æ F1 Here’s a vowel plot for a female speaker from southeastern Ohio. What conditioned vowel shifts appear in her speech? What secondary developments did the conditioned shifts allow? 600 700 800 900 e u l l=u .. oi . l o r e o r=ur2 r r r ' =o =u 1 = = . .. N N o v = ai ai = au g d 1000 æ 2500 2000 æF æ P æ 1500 F2 1000 Discussion Question • How might difference in the degree of undershoot take on social meanings? What social meanings could they index, both for inter-speaker variation and for stylistic variation? Fun with Vowel Plots 300 i T K u u r r ' e F1 e 600 F ai N d æ au P æ 800 2500 2000 v F2 1000 oi o = ' l l r r r =o =u 1 600 N d æ 700 500 o l r=ur2 N N <result> ai 1500 e æ u 500 o æ æ e l = oi u r <bulletins> ... K i <poor> o u r 400 o r 500 700 u l i 400 T i F1 300 g = = o ai au r ai æ ai P = æ æF v 800 2400 2200 2000 1800 1600 1400 1200 1000 800 F2 600 Today’s lab demo • Use of Origin for plotting • If you know what you’re doing with it, it’s versatile and can make esthetically better plots than programs whose primary purpose is something else References • Harris, Katherine S. 1978. Vowel duration change and its underlying physiological mechanisms. Language and Speech 21:354-61. • Lindblom, Björn. 1963. Spectrographic study of vowel reduction. Journal of the Acoustical Society of America 35:1773-81. • Lindblom, Björn. 1990. Explaining phonetic variation: A sketch of the H&H theory. In William J. Hardcastle and Alain Marchal (eds.), Speech Production and Speech Modelling, 403-39. Dordrecht: Kluwer. • Lindblom, Björn E. F., and Michael Studdert-Kennedy. 1966. On the rôle of formant transitions in vowel recognition. Journal of the Acoustical Society of America 42:830-43. • Ohala, John J. 1989. Sound change is drawn from a pool of synchronic variation. In Leiv Egil Breivik and Ernst Håkon Jahr (eds.), Language Change: Contributions to the Study of its Causes, 173-98. Berlin/New York: Mouton de Gruyter. • Ohala, John J. 1993. Coarticulation and phonology. Language and Speech 36:155-70.